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After the alert, based on Berger and members of the NSC employees, the FBI returned to its normal apply of withholding written studies and saying little about investigations or witness interviews, taking the place that any information related to pending investigations may be presented to a grand jury and hence couldn't be disclosed below thenprevailing federal legislation.40 The terrorist plots that were broken up at the end of 1999 show the number of operations that might be attributed, nevertheless not directly, to al Qaeda.The Jordanian cell was a loose affiliate; we now know that it sought approval and coaching from Afghanistan, and at least one key member swore loyalty to Bin Ladin. He had made similar requests within the Clinton administration; he had no more success with Rice than he had with Berger.217 On August 4, President Bush wrote President Musharraf to request his help in coping with terrorism and to urge Pakistan to engage actively against al Qaeda.The brand new administration was once more registering its issues, just as its predecessor had, nevertheless it was nonetheless searching for brand spanking new incentives to open up diplomatic possibilities. • Increased assist to the Uzbeks to strengthen their ability to combat terrorism and help the United States in doing so.

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”76 The dispute had large managerial implications, for Clarke had found allies within the Office of Administration and Budget (OMB).That they had equipped him with the figures he used to argue that CIA spending on counterterrorism from its baseline budget had proven virtually no enhance.77 Berger met twice with Tenet in April to try to resolve the dispute. On January 25,Tenet briefed the President on the Cole investigation.The written briefing repeated for prime officials of the new administration what the CIA had informed the Clinton White House in November.This included the “preliminary judgment” that al Qaeda was responsible, with the caveat that no proof had yet been discovered that Bin Ladin himself ordered the assault.Tenet instructed us he had no recollection of a dialog with the President about this briefing.176 In his January 25 memo, Clarke had suggested Rice that the government ought to reply to the Cole assault,however “should benefit from the coverage that FROM Threat TO Threat 201 ‘we will reply at a time, place and manner of our personal choosing’ and never be compelled into knee-jerk responses.”177 Earlier than Vice President Cheney visited the CIA in mid-February, Clarke despatched him a memo-outside the usual White House document-management system-suggesting that he ask CIA officials “what additional data is required earlier than CIA can definitively conclude that al-Qida was responsible” for the Cole.178 In March 2001, the CIA’s briefing slides for Rice were still describing the CIA’s “preliminary judgment” that a “strong circumstantial case” could possibly be made towards al Qaeda but noting that the CIA continued to lack “conclusive info on external command and control” of the assault.179 Clarke and his aides continued to offer Rice and Hadley with proof reinforcing the case in opposition to al Qaeda and urging motion.180 The President explained to us that he had been concerned lest an ineffectual air strike just serve to give Bin Ladin a propaganda advantage.Bin Ladin continued to be elusive.They felt, simply as they'd for the past two years, that hitting inexpensive and rudimentary training camps with expensive missiles would not do much good and may even assist al Qaeda if the strikes did not kill Bin Ladin.152 In late 2000, the CIA and the NSC employees started thinking about the counterterrorism policy agenda they might present to the brand new administration.The Counterterrorist Center put down its finest ideas for the longer term, assuming it was freed from any prior coverage or financial constraints.The paper was therefore infor- 196 THE 9/eleven Commission REPORT mally referred to as the “Blue Sky” memo; it was despatched to Clarke on December 29.The memo proposed • A major effort to support the Northern Alliance by way of intelligence sharing and elevated funding in order that it could stave off the Taliban military and tie down al Qaeda fighters.This effort was not supposed to take away the Taliban from power, a goal that was judged impractical and too expensive for the CIA alone to attain. Proposals to assist the Northern Alliance had been debated in the U.S.

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